1921, November 19th, Saturday.
The fragile dawn of Saturday, November nineteenth, found Sultan Murad VII in his study long before the city of Constantinople stirred. The previous day's Jumu'ah at Süleymaniye Mosque, his defiant public appearance amidst heightened Allied military presence, had been a necessary act of leadership. But it was the faint, censored whisper from Paris – of "financial irregularities" being discussed in journalistic circles – that had truly set the stage for this new, anxious phase of his confrontation with the Entente powers. The "Ledger of Lies" had been unleashed; now, he and his government waited to see how widely its poison would spread.
Kolağası Esad Bey was Murad's first visitor, his youthful face etched with the fatigue of sleepless nights spent monitoring the fragile tendrils of his intelligence network. "Your Imperial Majesty," Esad began, his voice low but charged with energy, "the news from Paris, while still subject to heavy French censorship on the telegraph lines, is becoming more distinct. Two independent evening papers, known for their critical stance towards colonial adventures, yesterday ran small but provocative articles. They speak of 'serious allegations of widespread corruption within the Allied administration of the Constantinople Port Authority,' citing 'well-placed sources' and hinting at 'significant losses to the Ottoman Treasury.' One paper, Le Cri du Peuple, even names a mid-level French official on the Port Commission as being 'under a cloud of suspicion.'" Murad felt a surge of grim satisfaction. "So, the first darts have found their mark. What of London and Rome?" "More difficult to ascertain with certainty, Your Majesty," Esad admitted. "British censorship is notoriously effective. However, a contact within a neutral shipping agency, whose company has a direct telegraph line to their London office, reports overhearing talk of 'unsubstantiated rumors' regarding 'mismanagement of Near East relief funds' and 'questions likely to be tabled in Parliament next week by certain troublesome backbench MPs.' It is vague, Your Majesty, but it suggests the dossier delivered by our courier is circulating, causing unease." "And Rome?" "The Italian press is often… more colorful and less constrained by official narratives if a scandal does not directly implicate Italian primary interests," Esad said with a rare hint of a smile. "A contact within the Vatican's diplomatic service here, who often receives early Italian newspaper summaries, mentioned that one Roman daily, Il Messaggero, has a small piece today speculating about 'brewing tensions between the Allied commands in Constantinople over financial administration issues.' It links this to your government's recent 'assertiveness.' Again, nothing concrete, but the seeds of doubt are being sown."
This was more than Murad had dared hope for so soon. The scandal was indeed beginning to unfurl, however slowly, however piecemeal. Tevfik Pasha, who had joined them, listened intently. "This is promising, Your Majesty. But we must remember that these are initial journalistic probings. The Allied governments will be working furiously behind the scenes to suppress the story, to discredit its source, to protect their officials." "Indeed," Murad agreed. "Which is why Cavit Bey's work is so crucial. Is the full dossier, with all its irrefutable evidence, truly ready for more targeted dissemination if needed?" Cavit Bey, who entered at that moment looking as though he hadn't slept at all, confirmed it was. "Your Majesty, the complete 'Ledger of Lies' is prepared in multiple copies. It is an undeniable indictment. Should the Allied governments attempt a full-throated denial or try to dismiss these initial press reports as mere rumor, we can ensure that more detailed, verifiable proof finds its way to those same journalists, and perhaps to opposition politicians in their home countries who would relish such ammunition."
The Allied High Commissioners in Constantinople, meanwhile, seemed to be caught in a state of reactive disarray. Reşid Akif Pasha, the Foreign Minister, reported a subtle but noticeable shift in their local posture. "There has been no formal joint communication from them today, Your Majesty," Reşid Akif said. "The overt military intimidation in the city continues, but my attachés report a palpable sense of… agitation within the High Commissions themselves. General Harington remains publicly bellicose, issuing statements to the controlled local press here about 'maintaining order against irresponsible elements.' However, General Pellé and Marquis Garroni have been noticeably quieter. Pellé, in particular, after our discussion about his dragoman, Monsieur Dubois, has made no further aggressive pronouncements. In fact, a junior French diplomat made a very informal inquiry to one of my staff this morning, asking if the Ottoman government had any 'specific, actionable evidence' regarding 'individual French nationals' that it might wish to share 'discreetly, for internal French review, to avoid wider diplomatic unpleasantness.'" Murad exchanged a look with Tevfik. "So, Pellé is trying to cut his losses, to isolate any French liability from the broader scandal. This is a potential crack in their united front." "Precisely my interpretation, Your Majesty," Reşid Akif affirmed. "I instructed my staff to politely state that all our concerns were of a general nature regarding the Port Authority's administration and had already been conveyed to all three High Commissions."
The news of the textile magnate Lazaros Effendi's capitulation to Cavit Bey's tax demands, backed by Murad's Hatt-ı Hümayun, had also spread through the wealthy Galata district, causing considerable consternation among those who had long considered themselves immune to Ottoman fiscal laws. Cavit Bey reported, "Several other prominent merchants, previously defiant, have now sent emissaries to my Ministry, expressing a sudden desire to 'clarify their tax obligations.' Your Majesty's decree has indeed given us teeth. The process of reclaiming these lost revenues will be long and arduous, but the precedent has been set."
Ferik Fevzi Pasha, however, brought a reminder of the ever-present military realities. "Your Majesty, while the Hassa Ordusu continues its training with the new arms, and our discreet deployments are bolstering security, the overall Allied military grip on the city and its approaches remains absolute. My intelligence suggests that General Harington, far from being cowed by the international whispers, is using them as a pretext to argue with his government in London for even stronger measures here, to 'make an example' of us and deter any further defiance. He may be losing the information war abroad, but he still commands overwhelming force locally." "Which is why we must continue to be impeccably correct in our own actions, Fevzi Pasha," Murad cautioned. "We must give him no excuse for military adventurism. Our strength, for now, lies in the truth of our claims and the justice of our cause, amplified on the international stage."
That afternoon, Murad took a calculated step to further involve his wider government and demonstrate transparency, at least internally. He convened a broader Council of Ministers, including not just his core 'war council' but also the newly appointed Ministers of Interior (Zeki Pasha, a stern but fair former provincial governor), Justice (Ahmed Şükrü Bey, a respected legal scholar), and others. He personally briefed them on the Port Authority situation, the evidence of corruption, the government's ultimatum, the Allied rejection, and the initiation of the international information campaign. He did not reveal the full operational details of Esad Bey's work, but he made the strategic objectives clear. The reaction was a mixture of awe at his audacity, profound concern about Allied retaliation, but also a surprising degree of unified support. The blatant nature of the corruption Cavit Bey outlined, and the contemptuous Allied response to their initial diplomatic approach, had clearly galvanized even the more cautious ministers. "Your Majesty," Zeki Pasha, the new Minister of Interior, declared, "if our so-called protectors are robbing us with one hand while claiming to offer security with the other, then we have no choice but to resist with all means at our disposal. You have the full support of this Council."
As the day drew to a close, Esad Bey brought one final piece of intelligence, perhaps the most significant yet. "Your Majesty," he said, entering Murad's study with an air of urgency, "a highly reliable source within the British High Commission itself – someone who has discreetly provided us with valuable information in the past, motivated by a personal sense of justice and a dislike for certain arrogant elements within his own administration – has reported that General Harington received an urgent, coded telegram from the Foreign Office in London this afternoon." Murad leaned forward. "And its contents?" "My source could not see the full decoded message, Your Majesty, but he overheard Harington in a furious, private telephone conversation with the British Ambassador, Sir Horace Rumbold. Harington was apparently railing against 'weak-kneed politicians in Whitehall panicking over a few unsubstantiated newspaper stories.' He reportedly said, 'They are asking me to provide a full report on these Port allegations immediately and to… explore avenues for a swift resolution to avoid further parliamentary embarrassment.' He also apparently mentioned that the French government has lodged a formal inquiry with London regarding the 'joint Allied administration's integrity.'"
A slow, wolfish grin spread across Murad's face. This was it. The international pressure was beginning to tell, not just on the High Commissioners here, but on their governments at home. Harington was being questioned by his own masters. The French were getting nervous. "The scandal, gentlemen," Murad said to Tevfik Pasha and Cavit Bey, who had joined him, "is well and truly unfurling. They are on the defensive. Now, we continue to apply pressure, to feed the flames of outrage with more carefully selected truths if necessary, and we prepare for their next move here in Constantinople. They will be looking for a way to save face, perhaps by offering us a scapegoat or two, and some superficial reforms. We must be ready to demand far more." The day ended with a palpable shift in the atmosphere. The immediate military threat from the Allies remained, but a new front had been decisively opened on the international stage. Murad knew the battle was far from won, but for the first time, he felt he was not just reacting to Allied power, but actively shaping the conditions of the conflict. The echoes from afar were growing louder.