1921, November 24th, Thursday.
The twenty-fourth of November dawned heavy with destiny over Constantinople. This was the third and, by implicit understanding, final day for the Joint Working Group to hammer out a resolution to the Port Authority crisis. Sultan Murad VII knew that today would either see a significant breakthrough, a tangible victory for his government's assertion of sovereignty, or a complete breakdown that would force him to unleash the full fury of the "Ledger of Lies" upon an already scandalized international stage, with all the attendant risks of massive Allied retaliation.
Murad met with Cavit Bey and Saffet Ziya Bey before they departed for what was anticipated to be a grueling final session. The Sultan's instructions were precise. "Gentlemen," he said, his youthful face set in lines of iron resolve, "we have maneuvered them to this point. The international pressure is our ally. Their internal divisions are our opportunity. Today, you will press for our core demands: a genuinely independent audit, meaningful Ottoman co-management with real authority on any new Port board, a substantially revised revenue share, and a clear commitment to restitution for past proven thefts. Do not be swayed by token gestures or further attempts to delay and obfuscate. If they are not prepared to concede meaningfully on these fundamental points, then there is no agreement, and we proceed with our other measures." "We understand, Your Majesty," Cavit Bey affirmed, his eyes burning with a fervent desire to bring the corrupt Allied officials to account. "We will not yield on the substance." Saffet Ziya Bey, the cool-headed diplomat, added, "We will also continue to exploit any daylight between the British, French, and Italian positions. Monsieur Lacroix and Signor Valenti are clearly more anxious for a settlement than Colonel Hughes."
Kolağası Esad Bey's morning intelligence report provided further ammunition and a crucial insight into the Allied mindset. "Your Imperial Majesty," he stated, "the pressure on all three Allied governments from their home parliaments and press is now intense. The British Prime Minister faced a particularly hostile questioning session yesterday, and was forced to publicly guarantee a 'full investigation' into the Constantinople Port administration and promise that 'any British official found guilty of misconduct will face disciplinary action.' Similar assurances, though perhaps less specific, have been issued in Paris and Rome. They need this scandal to go away, and quickly." "More importantly, Your Majesty," Esad continued, "my source within the British High Commission here indicates that General Harington received new, unequivocal instructions from London overnight. He is, reportedly, under direct orders to 'facilitate a rapid and acceptable resolution to the Port Authority dispute to prevent further damage to Allied prestige and inter-Allied relations.' While he will undoubtedly still seek to protect British interests fiercely, his ability to unilaterally obstruct a reasonable compromise is now significantly curtailed." Murad allowed himself a grim smile. "So, even the lion of British imperialism can be leashed by his own political masters when the scent of scandal becomes too strong. This is excellent news, Esad Bey. It strengthens Cavit Bey's hand considerably."
The final session of the Joint Working Group convened at the Ministry of Justice late that morning. The atmosphere was thick with a palpable tension. Colonel Hughes, the British hardliner, looked thunderous but also strangely subdued. Mr. Davies, his civilian colleague, appeared nervous. Monsieur Lacroix (French) and Signor Valenti (Italian) however, seemed more purposeful, occasionally exchanging discreet glances. Monsieur Dubois, the disgraced French dragoman, was conspicuously absent, having been, as Lacroix curtly informed the group, "recalled to Paris for consultations." A clear, if unspoken, first casualty.
As anticipated, it was Monsieur Lacroix who presented a new, substantially revised set of proposals on behalf of what he termed the "Consolidated Allied Position." It was clear that intense negotiations had occurred amongst the Allies themselves overnight. The new offer included:
1. A New Port Management Board: To be established immediately, comprising three senior Allied representatives (one from each power) and three senior Ottoman representatives, appointed by the Sultan. Decisions on major financial matters, new contracts, and senior appointments would require a majority vote that must include at least one Ottoman vote, effectively giving the Ottoman members a veto. The Chairmanship would rotate annually between an Allied and an Ottoman appointee, with the first Chairman to be an Allied nominee.
2. Financial Audit: A "Joint Commission of Inquiry" would be established, comprising two Allied financial experts and two Ottoman financial experts (nominated by Cavit Bey), empowered to review all Port accounts for the past two years. This Commission would have full access to all existing records and would report its findings and recommendations for restitution directly to both the new Port Management Board and the Allied High Commissions/Ottoman Government. (It was not the fully "independent international firm" Cavit had initially demanded, but Ottoman parity and full access was a huge step).
3. Revenue Sharing: A revised formula that would see the Ottoman Treasury's direct share of net Port revenues increase from the current negligible amount to a fixed twenty-five percent, effective immediately, with a commitment to review this upwards within one year based on the findings of the Joint Commission of Inquiry.
4. Personnel Changes: Beyond Dubois, the new Port Management Board would be empowered to review the conduct of all existing senior Port officials, Allied or Ottoman, and recommend disciplinary action or dismissal where warranted by the findings of the Joint Commission of Inquiry.
Cavit Bey, Ahmed Şükrü Bey, and Saffet Ziya Bey listened intently, dissecting every clause. It was not total victory. The Chairmanship of the Port Board would initially be Allied. The audit was by a joint commission, not a fully independent external body. The twenty-five percent revenue share was less than the fifty percent Cavit had hoped for. But compared to the situation just a week ago, it was a monumental shift. Colonel Hughes sat through Lacroix's presentation with a face like stone, clearly under orders to acquiesce. Cavit Bey then began the final, intense round of negotiations. He pushed hard for a shorter timeframe for the Joint Commission of Inquiry's report (settling on six months), for stricter definitions of "major financial matters" requiring an Ottoman veto on the new Board, and for an immediate interim payment to the Ottoman Treasury from current Port surpluses as a sign of good faith. He strategically used two more specific pieces of evidence from the "Ledger of Lies" – one implicating a British company in a massively over-billed dredging contract, another detailing Italian officials turning a blind eye to arms smuggling through a section of the port – to counter arguments from Hughes and to ensure Valenti and Lacroix remained committed to pushing for a comprehensive deal to bury the wider scandal. The negotiations were brutal, lasting well into the evening. There were moments when it seemed the talks would collapse, particularly when Hughes objected fiercely to the idea of an "interim payment." But each time, Lacroix or Valenti, clearly driven by the desperate need to resolve the crisis for their governments, would find a way to bring him back to the table, often after hurried, whispered consultations amongst the Allied delegates.
Finally, close to midnight, a tentative agreement was hammered out. It largely mirrored the revised Allied offer but incorporated several key Ottoman amendments, including the six-month deadline for the audit report, a slightly more favorable definition of Ottoman veto powers on the new board, and a commitment from the Allies to "facilitate an immediate advance" of a significant sum to the Ottoman Treasury from current Port funds, framed as an "adjustment of past accounting." The most contentious point, the full independent audit by an outside firm, was compromised to the "Joint Commission of Inquiry" with equal representation and full access, a solution Cavit Bey felt he could work with to expose the truth, albeit with more effort.
A physically exhausted but inwardly triumphant Cavit Bey, accompanied by Saffet Ziya Bey and Ahmed Şükrü Bey, returned to Yıldız Palace in the small hours of the morning. Murad, Tevfik Pasha, and Reşid Akif Pasha were waiting anxiously. Cavit Bey presented the detailed terms of the tentative agreement. "Your Imperial Majesty," he said, his voice hoarse, "it is not everything we demanded. But it is a universe away from what they offered us just days ago. We will have genuine representation on the Port Board with veto power over key finances. We will have a joint inquiry with full access to their records, which, with our evidence, will be tantamount to an independent audit in its effect. We will receive a substantial immediate payment, and a guaranteed twenty-five percent of net revenues going forward, with the promise of more. Several corrupt Allied officials will be effectively sidelined or removed. And we have forced them to negotiate as equals, under the glare of international scrutiny." Tevfik Pasha listened, his eyes gleaming with unshed tears. "This is… a remarkable achievement, Cavit Bey. A true victory on points, achieved against overwhelming odds." Reşid Akif Pasha added, "Diplomatically, Your Majesty, this is a turning point. It demonstrates that the Allied united front can be fractured, and that your government can successfully defend Ottoman interests if it is resolute and strategically astute."
Murad reviewed the terms carefully. It was, as Cavit said, not total victory. The Allies would still have a significant presence in the Port. But Ottoman sovereignty had been forcefully asserted. A vital revenue stream would be partially restored. The principle of accountability for corruption had been established. And most importantly, his government had shown it could stand up to the Great Powers and achieve tangible results. "You have all done magnificently," Murad said, his voice filled with a profound gratitude that resonated with his old soul. "This agreement… it is a hard-won compromise, but it is one that fundamentally alters our relationship with the occupying powers on this critical issue. It is a victory for Ottoman dignity and resolve." He paused, then made his decision. "We will accept this agreement, gentlemen. Instruct our legal experts to finalize the wording with their Allied counterparts tomorrow. Let it be signed before the week is out. And then, Cavit Bey, your true work on that Joint Commission of Inquiry begins. Uncover every Lira they have stolen from us." He looked at his weary but elated ministers. "This crisis over the Port Authority is now moving towards a resolution, one largely on our terms. But do not mistake this for peace, or for an end to our struggles. It is merely the end of one battle. The war for our Empire's survival, for its true independence, continues. But tonight," he allowed a rare, broad smile, "tonight, we have shown the world, and ourselves, that the Ottoman lion is not dead. It still has teeth, and it will bite when provoked." The long night ended with a sense of profound, if weary, triumph. The immediate storm had been weathered, a significant concession won. Murad knew that the "Ledger of Lies" would remain a potent, unspoken threat, ensuring the Allies adhered to this new agreement. He had chosen his battlefield, fought with the weapons of truth and international opinion, and had achieved a crucial victory on points.